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In-Depth Coverage

Original Commentaries

08/07/08
How to Deal with Jerusalem  —Lt. Col. (Res.) Ron Shatzberg, Project Director, Economic Cooperation Foundation. Interview with Middle East Bulletin.
08/07/08
How to Deal with Jerusalem  —
08/05/08
Why Did Maliki Call for a Timeline?  —by Christopher Kojm who teaches at the Elliott School of International Affairs at George Washington University and is a former senior advisor to the Iraq Study Group. Original Commentary for Middle East Bulletin.

Setting the Record Straight

Already Divided

“Even the Arab minority in the city has shown its preference for living under Israeli rule, as many have moved to the Israeli side of the security barrier being built around Jerusalem. Their choice is reasonable, as Jerusalem offers the quality of life of a modern western city while only a few kilometers away the norm is a third world standard of living, chaos and religious intolerance. An undivided Jerusalem is the best guarantee of a better life for all Jerusalemites.”
—Nathan Diament, Director of Public Policy, Union of Orthodox Jewish Congregations of America, July 23, 2008 versus
  • “Those who believe that Jerusalem should not be divided, and mean by that that the Arab neighborhoods should not be separated from the city, should be the first to insist that an active policy be adopted by the government and the municipality to improve the lot of local Arab residents. Barring that, Jerusalem will continue to remain a divided city.”
    —Moshe Arens, former Israeli defense and foreign minister (Likud), “A Story of Neglect,” Haaretz, July 28, 2008
  • Middle East Analysis

    June 1, 2007

    Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak and Syrian President Bashar Assad (AP)

    The question of refugees is often identified as one of the most difficult and sensitive issues in any Palestinian-Israeli peace process. For Palestinians and Israelis alike, it touches upon both deeply-held historical narratives and even existential values: the partition of Palestine, the establishment of the state of Israel, the forced displacement and refugee experience of the Palestinian people, the Palestinian right of “return,” and Israel’s fundamental desire to remain a Jewish state.

    For these reasons, the refugee question proved particularly problematic throughout the Madrid and Oslo eras, and into permanent status negotiations at Camp David, Taba, and elsewhere. These difficulties, however, should not blind one to the very real progress that was made. Should the parties once more find themselves in permanent status negotiations, they will undoubtedly find themselves further apart than they were at Taba in January 2001—but perhaps still closer than they were when the peace process began in Madrid a decade earlier. Access the full report>>