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In-Depth Coverage

Original Commentaries

09/04/08
From Zero-Sum to Win-Win  —Mara Rudman, adviser, Middle East Progress; senior fellow, Center for American Progress. Original Commentary for Middle East Bulletin.
09/04/08
How Progress Is Possible  —
08/07/08
How to Deal with Jerusalem  —Lt. Col. (Res.) Ron Shatzberg, Project Director, Economic Cooperation Foundation. Interview with Middle East Bulletin.

Setting the Record Straight

Two-State Solution Still Best Option

“In practical terms, we can reach two conclusions: First, a final-status agreement, although its details are known, cannot be secured in the foreseeable future. Second, the time has come to think about other solutions. One of them is a return not to the 1967 borders, but rather, to the reality that prevailed in 1967, when Jordan controlled the West Bank.”
—Major General (ret.) Giora Eiland, “The Jordanian Option,” YNet, September 3, 2008 versus
  • "On both sides of the green line and, indeed, wherever people think about solutions to the Israeli- Palestinian conflict, a lot of old/new thinking is taking place. … Most of these ideas are patently unrealistic. Discussion of them often reflects despair, not pragmatic strategic thinking. … Precisely because there is no such alternative, other options more readily suggest themselves, ranging from temporary conflict management to three states or entities. Nor does failure today mean that tomorrow we cannot try again to arrive at a two-state solution, which remains the best option for all."
    —Yossi Alpher, coeditor of the bitterlemons family of internet publications & former director, Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies, Tel Aviv University, "One State Definitely Not an Option," bitterlemons.org, August 18, 2008
  • Middle East Analysis

    • How Progress Is Possible —Hiba Husseini, chair, Legal Committee to Final Status Negotiations between the Palestinians and Israelis; former vice chairperson of the Palestine Securities Exchange (1998-May 2005). Interview with Middle East Bulletin.
    • Perils of an Israeli Transition —The New York Times, Editorial
    • The Arabs Will Look Differently Upon America —Ron Pundak, director general of the Peres Center for Peace and former architects and negotiators of the Oslo Agreement (bitterlemons.org)
    October 24, 2007

    French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner, Spanish Foreign Minister Miguel Angel Moratinos, and Italian Foreign Minister Massimo D'Alema in Beirut on Saturday

    "It serves U.S. interests to engage with Syria, making clear that this diplomacy would not come at the expense of Lebanese sovereignty."

    With so much happening simultaneously in the Middle East, it is too easy to lose focus and have today’s important issue become tomorrow’s crisis. This could happen with the situation in Lebanon if the United States does not sharpen its attention in the near term.

    Long overdue efforts to revive the Israeli-Palestinian track have recently returned to the spotlight, with Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice’s visits to the region to prepare for the forthcoming Annapolis summit. Iraq’s conflict and its impact on the region also dominate, with renewed tensions in the north between Turkey and Kurdish rebels finally garnering necessary diplomatic attention. Dealing with Iran’s worrisome nuclear program remains a top item. Yet Lebanon must not get lost in the shuffle.

    Presidential elections were postponed a second time in Lebanon. This does not bode well for efforts to facilitate a peaceful resolution to the year-long political deadlock between the anti-Syrian government and the opposition led by Hezbollah. Last month, opposition members boycotted parliament to prevent the quorum necessary to elect a new president to succeed President Emile Lahoud, whose term expires November 23. This Monday, Lebanese leaders vowed to try holding the presidential election on November 12.

    The risks of an unresolved political deadlock are considerable in Lebanon, with some fearing a further internal political breakdown– including the possibility of two competing governments. With seven major anti-Syrian figures murdered since former Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri’s assassination in 2005, an outbreak of even more devastating violence is a real concern. This a country that has undergone fifteen years of civil war from 1975-1990; repeated battles between Lebanese groups and Israel over the past quarter century, including the war between Israel and Hezbollah in the summer of 2006; and most recently a deadly internal battle between Lebanese security forces and the extremist group Fatah al-Islam. How many times can Lebanon rebuild?

    The French, Italian, and Spanish foreign ministers visited Lebanon last week to urge a quick resolution to this stalemate. During the past year, key regional powers like Saudi Arabia and Iran have been involved in efforts to mediate a resolution between Lebanon’s rival factions. Constructive international efforts to resolve Lebanon’s internal political logjam must remain a priority, despite the many other regional challenges.

    The international community must continue its efforts to stabilize Lebanon. To build a functioning and viable Lebanese state, the United States and other global powers should pursue both political and military assistance tracks – an integrated effort to help the Lebanese government resolve its political deadlock and rebuild the state structures. A new effort must be made to fully implement United Nations Security Council resolutions, including provisions to disarm militias, such as Hezbollah. The United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) participants must have the resources and authority for the task at hand.

    Yet moving forward on Lebanon should not come at the expense of progress on other tracks. Syria plays a key role on several fronts in the region, including Lebanon. It serves U.S. interests to engage with Syria, making clear that this diplomacy would not come at the expense of Lebanese sovereignty. Tough diplomacy – beginning with low-level diplomatic contacts – should aim to test the Syrian regime’s intentions and shape Syria’s actions on the Lebanese, Arab-Israeli, and Iraqi fronts.

    With so many moving pieces involved in the efforts to resolve the Arab-Israeli conflict and stabilize the broader Middle East, it is easy to lose track of some key fronts such as Lebanon. As the world moves to revive the Israeli-Palestinian track and deal with the fallout from Iraq, it should take care to remain focused on helping resolve the internal political deadlock Lebanon is currently facing.

    Brian Katulis, Senior Fellow, Center for American Progress, wrote this original commentary for the Middle East Bulletin.