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In-Depth Coverage

Original Commentaries

08/07/08
How to Deal with Jerusalem  —Lt. Col. (Res.) Ron Shatzberg, Project Director, Economic Cooperation Foundation. Interview with Middle East Bulletin.
08/07/08
How to Deal with Jerusalem  —
08/05/08
Why Did Maliki Call for a Timeline?  —by Christopher Kojm who teaches at the Elliott School of International Affairs at George Washington University and is a former senior advisor to the Iraq Study Group. Original Commentary for Middle East Bulletin.

Setting the Record Straight

Already Divided

“Even the Arab minority in the city has shown its preference for living under Israeli rule, as many have moved to the Israeli side of the security barrier being built around Jerusalem. Their choice is reasonable, as Jerusalem offers the quality of life of a modern western city while only a few kilometers away the norm is a third world standard of living, chaos and religious intolerance. An undivided Jerusalem is the best guarantee of a better life for all Jerusalemites.”
—Nathan Diament, Director of Public Policy, Union of Orthodox Jewish Congregations of America, July 23, 2008 versus
  • “Those who believe that Jerusalem should not be divided, and mean by that that the Arab neighborhoods should not be separated from the city, should be the first to insist that an active policy be adopted by the government and the municipality to improve the lot of local Arab residents. Barring that, Jerusalem will continue to remain a divided city.”
    —Moshe Arens, former Israeli defense and foreign minister (Likud), “A Story of Neglect,” Haaretz, July 28, 2008
  • Middle East Analysis

    February 27, 2008

    Crises in the Middle East have a tendency to exhibit a peculiar pattern. While they appear to be limited in scope, they almost invariably reveal a broader dimension, which is what makes such crises potentially so destabilizing. The situation created by Hamas’ dramatic breach of the border between Egypt and Gaza, and the ensuing influx of Palestinians into Sinai, presents a clear example of this pattern. Far from being a simple border issue, it has the potential to escalate in a manner that can entangle the security interests of regional actors, and further erode the prospects for a negotiated two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. …

    [T]he focus should be on creating a situation that challenges the rejectionists politically. Allowing the PA to assume control of the border crossings between Gaza and Israel would be a first step. This could be coupled with a serious effort to achieve a ceasefire that would end the rocket fire from Gaza into Israel, and Israeli targeting of Palestinians, which would deescalate what is becoming a rapidly deteriorating situation. However, the ultimate challenge to all rejectionists, including Hamas, would be serious and expeditious permanent settlement negotiations between Olmert and Abbas, which explains Hamas’ vehement opposition to such a process. …

    The stakes in Gaza are indeed high. The current crisis is but a manifestation of a broader problem—the receding horizon of a negotiated two state solution. Ignoring the core of the issue for the sake of expediency will have serious ramifications not only for the cause of peace, but for regional stability. This is why it calls for sensitivity, caution, and foresight on the part of all the parties involved. Access the full article>>